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Writer's pictureImran Chowdhury B.E.M

A Refugee Tween's Journey ; Surviving Bangladesh Genocide 1971 by Lieutenant Imran Chowdhury BEM

Updated: 7 days ago





Liberation War, 1971


Lt Imran Ahmed Chowdhury, B.E.M.



Preface


This book You Hold in Your Hands is a narrative seen through the prism of an 11-year-old refugee. The year was 1971, and the Bangladesh

Liberation War had ushered in the most significant chapter of our

lives. This cataclysmic deluge washed away all hope and comfort from my

family and me. The spectre of death, the constant fear of being hunted like

an animal, and, above all, the resolve to escape the carnage —these

emotions are difficult to convey in mere words. The struggle for freedom

irrevocably altered my existence.

The Bangladesh Liberation War is the biggest chapter of our lives. The

freedom struggle changed my life differently. For the last 52 years, from

1971 to 2023, I have been carrying a huge story, a horrible passage, a

nightmare, a great fear, a burning inferno like a volcano in my mind, a

pain, and an untold saga in my heart. The words of those tumultuous days

repeatedly floated on the mind's screen. Those few eventful months had

flown by in my life; though seemingly few, in reality, those days were one

of the most difficult periods in the life of the Bengali nation - my life. I do

not want this kind of time to come into the life of any boy my age in any

country. This great deluge took away all the hope and comfort from my

family and me.

Being homeless in the blink of an eye, not being sure of the next meal, not

knowing where to spend the night after dusk - these are all tough

questions. The family is separated in fragments; the mother and siblings

are not together, the father is hundreds of miles away at work, and the

sister is studying in a hostel in the capital city. It is a terrible watch. After

two successive enemy air raids, enemy infiltration from both sides of the

city enveloped it from two loose ends for a combing killing spree. The

sound of sky-splitting gunfire, the sound of fighter aeroplanes shattering

like earthquakes, and the hail of bullets and bombs were terrifying. Amid

the enemy's shouts of "Yaaali" and "Allahu Akbar" from the distant

horizon, some of us were running with our lives in our hands towards an

unknown destination. This unknown future moves forward to embrace


A Refugee Tween’s Journey


8


uncertainty. We were moving like homeless people, without food, without a

future, like idiots. On the way, I chanted "La Ilaha Illa Anta… Minaj

Zoalimin ....” What did I know that Allah might have saved us that day

because of this prayer! If not, I would not have been able to write these

words today.

I have no words to express what a gruelling task it was to run for miles

with tired, exhausted, dry breathing tubes, wet legs, and the fear of death.

Imagine taking shelter in one's family as an unwanted guest, unwelcome.

There was a lack of daily, casual, and practical things like one cloth, one

sandal, one towel, no bed, no pillow made of cotton, sleeping without a

mattress cover, insufficient food, different tastes of food, and endless time

all day and night. It was an exodus, a great journey. Walking in the rain

and hail, mud, boats, running, blizzards, raging winter storms, bone-

chilling freezing temperatures, impractical ropes to hold on to for crossing

rivers and bamboo-made river crossings, and a lack of handholds are all

examples of indifference to the safety of children. We walked seventeen,

eighteen, or twenty-two miles in one day without eating any food or meal

or snacks, walked continuously, and walked to the border of the

neighbouring country. Taking shelter in a village close to the border, the

sound of an incessant cannonade was heard during this entire crossing.

After spending a few nights inside an abandoned school in that border

village, one day after entering India, we took refuge in the house of an

Indian Hindu family with the help of the Indian B.S.F. (Border Security

Force). Then, entering the refugee camp - a new chapter in life had

begun. I was the only senior male family member in the camp to accept

his assigned responsibilities. I did everything from being a social worker

and social activist to working as a medicine distributor and compounder,

fuelled by a passion for the freedom struggle. I became a member of the

cultural team, going to the camps of the Liberation Army to sing songs,

entertain them, and strengthen a more awakened patriotism by increasing

their human strength. I distributed the new newspaper “Joy Bangla.” On

the order of the team commander adjacent to the camp of Mukti Bahini, I

also reconnoitred the Pakistan Army camp and its various heavy weapons

positions, taking training of the Mukti Bahini secretly. I worked as a nurse's

aide in the famous G.B. Hospital in Agartala during the last few days of

October to December 1971, the freedom fighter’s Joy Bangla Ward. I want

to record a wonderful story of how it happened in this small attempt of

mine. This memory of an eleven-year-old boy from many years ago, the


Preface


9


storm that swept through his life, and this tale of self-realisation are still as

bright and clear as daylight even after 54 years.

The origin of this anecdote is what I saw, did, and learned in those

turbulent days of February and March 1971, and along the way, how the

entire country was captured one by one by the Pakistani Army and its

barbaric forces after the massacre of March 25. Gradually, there started a

genocide, a resistance, a protest, and revenge by resisting the war of

independence. There was victory, family reunification, going out to find a

brother, the pain of losing a brother, the sacrifice of millions, genocidal

ethnic cleansing, and an attempt to wipe out the Bengali race (nation)

from the face of the earth, how Germany's infamous Hitler and his Nazi

forces had done like killing Jews from Europe and the world during the

Holocaust. This small attempt of mine is a daily account of how the

Pakistan Army and the government, the bureaucrats, and the people of

West Pakistan wanted to make East Pakistan Bengali-free, following in

the footsteps of the Nazis.

I humbly thank Dr Md. Emad Uddin, PhD, whose invaluable assistance

with proofreading, insightful suggestions, and expertise in adding pictures

and maps enriched my book immeasurably. His erudite knowledge of the

Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 shaped the final manuscript. I am

deeply honoured and humbled by his selfless dedication and generous

support. His willingness to lend a helping hand has been a true testament

to his character and commitment to the project. I am profoundly grateful

for his contributions, which have elevated the quality and depth of the

book, making it a more comprehensive and meaningful work.

I want to express my gratitude to Mrs. Anita Limaye for her meticulous

editing of my book. Her invaluable input has transformed the script into an

immaculate piece of history. Her dedication and attention to detail have

truly elevated the quality of the manuscript. I sincerely appreciate her

expertise and commitment to ensuring the book's excellence. Her

contributions have made a significant difference and have helped shape

the narrative into its best form. Thank you, Anita, for your exceptional

editing and unwavering support.

I am profoundly grateful to M/S Sabre and Quill Publishers, Delhi, India,

for their invaluable role in bringing my book to fruition. His exceptional

printing expertise has given life to my words, transforming them into a

tangible and beautiful reality.


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Colonel Ajay K Raina, SM’s camaraderie towards another ex-officer is

commendable and reflects his deep sense of service and solidarity within

the military community. His support and guidance throughout the

publishing process have been instrumental in shaping the final product,

and I am truly indebted for his unwavering commitment to excellence.

With heartfelt gratitude, I extend my sincerest thanks to M/S Sabre and

Quill Publishers for their dedication, professionalism, and passion for the

art of publishing. May this book serve as a beacon of inspiration and

knowledge to all who encounter it, thanks to the efforts of Colonel Raina

and his team.

The paintings in this book, depicting my life’s journey in 1971 on canvas,

are the brainchild of Dr MohAmma(mother)d Emad Uddin, who was

determined to visually represent the various phases of my quest for

survival during those tumultuous times. My dear friend, the acclaimed

artist Abu Jafar, listened patiently to my descriptions and narrations of the

surrounding events and my plight and translated them into evocative

paintings. These canvases are not mere works of art; they vividly narrate

how my life unfolded and depict the endurance and resilience with which I

contributed in my own small way to the fight for an independent

Bangladesh. I sincerely thank Emad and Jafar for enriching the story with

these visual masterpieces.

Imran Chowdhury, B.E.M.

Northampton, U.K.

October, 2024



Preamble


In the harrowing moments of my life during the freedom struggle, it felt like a life-and-death battle. Before delving into that, I'd like to share my

perceptions during my younger years.

For instance, during the 1965 Pakistan-India war, we were in Prematali, a

border area of Rajshahi District, East Pakistan, where my mother was the

deputy head of the Land Customs department. It was a fierce war all over

West Pakistan, yet my father used to say that our border had no proper

defence. Taj MohAmma(mother)d, the company commander from

Godagari, a Pakistani Punjabi, often sent local Bengali sepoys on patrols

to visit us and inquire about our well-being. However, we were always

afraid that India could easily walk in and seize our province at any

moment. Due to this fear, we moved to Rajshahi. All Bengali members of

the E.P.R. were shocked and surprised by the neglect shown by

Pakistan's reluctant leaders, who were preoccupied with the nightmare of

an obsessional daydream of occupying Kashmir, leaving their most

populous province defenceless. While I heard stories of bravery from

West Pakistan's squadron leaders, Alam and Raja Aziz Bhatti, no one

talked about what would happen to East Pakistan if India attacked.

Governments barred travel to and from Calcutta; it was my mother's

dream city, and she couldn't visit. Her friends and relatives couldn't come

or go either.

By the age of six, I began to witness the rising dominance of Biharis. After

the 1965 war, we moved to Khulna in the middle of the school year. My

father insisted on not missing any school sessions and temporarily

enrolled me for the broken academic session at this school. I studied at

Rupsa Primary School, near Khulna Cremation Ghat (Hindu Funeral

Place) and beside the Dada Match Factory. In my fourth grade, 80% of the

students were Bihari children of Dada Match Factory and Rupsa Dock

workers, including machinists and mechanics. Bihari boys as young as 7-

10 years old would come to school with knives, daggers, and spiked belts.


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Fights broke out daily, always targeting Bengali students. All the Bengalis

lived in constant fear of those Bihari boys - how ironic, the Bengalis are

victims in their own land. Fortunately, my father would drop me off and

pick me up in uniform, which might have shielded me from some teasing.

Biharis dominated the school, and Bengali students lived in fear. It

appeared to me that these migrant Biharis were ruling East Pakistan.

Teachers and staff had no authority. Elite homes along the Rupsa-

Tutpara-Khan Jahan Ali Road gradually fell into the hands of Biharis. It

was a terrifying experience at such a young age.

As the years passed, the tales of Squadron Alam and Aziz Bhatti's so-

called bravery found their way into our textbooks. The Juntas and their

propaganda regime orchestrated a shameful defeat in the 1965 war into

an epic saga of the bravery of their Pakistani Muslim army!

Meanwhile, students in colleges and high schools were constantly rallying

on the streets, chanting slogans demanding the release of Mujib; those

slogans still, after all these years, reverberate in my ears today, too. They

were questioning the Agartala conspiracy case and protesting false

charges.

After leaving Khulna, our family decided to settle permanently in

Brahmanbaria. Intelligence agencies, especially E.P.R.'s F.S. (Field

Security) branch, were active, especially towards the E.P.R. company

commander, suspecting that Bengali company commanders were involved

in the Agartala conspiracy. My father and some other subordinates were

under the constant watch of the EPRs FS (field security unit).

The I.S.I. Captain, a fair-skinned, 6ft 4/5-inch-tall officer, regularly visited

my father's E.P.R. company in Kaligonj of the Shatkhira (Khulna) district. I

have also travelled in his Pakistan Army's Willys Jeep (with a sticker of

Shaking Hands on the U.S. Flag, a gift from the U.S.A.). He visited Border

Out Posts. E.P.R. speed boats used to take the Captain and us to various

B.O.P.s (border outposts) situated along the Indian towns of Hingolganj

and Boshirhat of West Bengal, India. Pakistan Intelligence agencies

suspected my father and a few others because our village house was

close to Agartala. Subedar Abdur Rab, the senior Bengali Subedar, was

suspended under suspicion. Subedar Rab was a very close senior officer

to my father. Rab (later awarded Bir Pratik) was their leader, who

constantly fought with the E.P.R.'s non-Bengali (Pakistani) hierarchy for

the rights of the Bengali junior commissioned officers. The Pakistan


Preamble


13


Government allured these J.C.O.s to join East Pakistan Rifles from the

Police during the 1958 E.P.R. re-raising from the old Rifles of the British

regime, which would be able to keep the status of the Police services. But

in reality, they were forced to change their status and became like aJ.C.O.

of an Army unit, Which was not what they signed for when they joined the

Police, and they were promised that when they switched over to the

E.P.R., they would enjoy all the facilities of a Sub Inspector of the Police

(E.P.R. was formed as a branch of the Police under Section 29 of the

British Police Act of 1861).

Our family had spent most of our lives in North and South West Bengal of

East Pakistan, and moving to Brahmanbaria Eastern Bangladesh meant

experiencing a new culture, language, and lifestyle. Our relatives

surrounded us, and Brahmanbaria felt like home with its beautiful parks,

rivers, and green roads.

Music, drama, and social life were vibrant and organised. Brahmanbaria

was the home of one of the most prominent and revered musical

maestros, Ustad Alauddin Khan. Also known as Baba Alauddin Khan. He

was a multi-instrumentalist, composer and one of the most renowned

music teachers of the 20th century in Indian classical music.

The political landscape shifted with General Ayub Khan's resignation and

the emergence of a new leader, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, known as

"Bangabandhu." The six-point movement began, leading to General Ayub

Khan's removal. Then came General Yahya Khan, a dictator in a new

guise. Faced with growing agitation, he was forced to announce elections.

However, just before the elections, a devastating cyclone, the Great

Cyclone of Bhola, struck on November 12, 1970. Hundreds of thousands

of people lost their lives, and countless others suffered without water,

shelter, or food. The Relief efforts were inadequate. The election was

postponed, but thousands of students rushed to help the affected areas.

The ruling juntas of Pakistan remained silent amidst the crisis. This

tragedy shook the fragile foundations of Pakistan.

A renaissance and reformation began in Bengali society, leading to the

December elections, where the Awami League, under the charismatic

leadership of Sheikh Mujib, secured a massive victory. This period marked

the beginning of a new era, often referred to as the Renaissance of the

Enlightenment in Sonar Bangla.


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The devastating cyclone that hit East Pakistan on November 12, 1970,

was one of the worst natural disasters in the region's living memory.

Originating in the Bay of Bengal, this cyclone wreaked havoc on the

coastal areas, leaving a trail of destruction that affected millions of lives.

Houses were destroyed, lands were submerged, and crops were washed

away, leaving people without shelter, food, or livelihoods. The death toll

was staggering, with hundreds of thousands of people losing their lives in

the disaster.

The Pakistani central government's response needed to be timelier and

more indifferent in the aftermath of the cyclone. The relief and

rehabilitation efforts were sluggish, and the government appeared

condescending and complacent in this humanitarian crisis.

Instead of prioritising the urgent needs of the affected people, the

government seemed more concerned with political manoeuvrings and

maintaining control over East Pakistan.

General Yahya Khan, the dictator in power then, and his administration

displayed a shocking lack of empathy and urgency. Despite the magnitude

of the disaster and the desperate need for assistance, they were reluctant

to provide adequate support to East Pakistan. This negligence and

indifference further exacerbated the suffering of the cyclone victims and

deepened their resentment towards the central government.

The cyclone and the government's inadequate response ignited a wave of

unspeakable anger and hate towards the Punjabis and Pathans, who

were perceived as ruling elites in Pakistan. The people of East Pakistan

felt abandoned and betrayed by the central government, which intensified

the existing sense of alienation and marginalisation. The disparity in relief

efforts between East and West Pakistan was glaring, with the latter

receiving more attention and resources while the former was left to fend

for itself.

This tragic event and the subsequent government failures played a

significant role in fuelling the growing discontent and separatist sentiments

in East Pakistan. The anger and resentment towards the central

government, especially towards the Punjabi and Pathan ruling elites,

became deeply entrenched in the collective consciousness of the Bengali

population.

The devastating cyclone of 1970 and the government's inadequate

response were pivotal moments that laid bare the deep-rooted inequalities


Preamble


15


and injustices within Pakistan. The neglect and indifference shown

towards the cyclone victims highlighted the systemic issues that plagued

the relationship between East and West Pakistan.

The following year, these grievances contributed to the political unrest and

ultimately led to the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, which resulted in

Bangladesh's independence. The cyclone of 1970 serves as a tragic

reminder of the consequences of neglect, indifference, and the failure of

leadership, and it continues to resonate in the collective memory of the

Bengali people.

The 1970 general election in Pakistan was a watershed moment in the

country's history, particularly for East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The

election marked the rise of neo-nationalism among the Bengali population,

driven by a strong desire for autonomy and equal rights within Pakistan.

The Awami League, led by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,

emerged as the clear winner, securing a landslide victory with a mandate

to govern Pakistan.

The Awami League's six-point movement, which advocated for greater

autonomy for East Pakistan, resonated deeply with the Bengali masses.

The party's platform promised to address the longstanding grievances of

the Bengali population, including economic disparities, cultural

discrimination, and political marginalisation. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,

popularly known as Bangabandhu, symbolised Bengali aspirations for

self-determination and equality in Pakistan.

The Pakistani military junta, led by General Yahya Khan, was in a

precarious position following the election. The Awami League's landslide

victory in East Pakistan directly challenged the military's grip on power.

Despite the clear mandate given to the Awami League, the military junta

was reluctant to transfer power to the elected representatives. Deep-

seated prejudices and fears of Bengali nationalism drove the military's

reluctance to cede control.

Behind the scenes, the military junta was toying with undermining the

Awami League's victory and quashing the rising tide of Bengali

nationalism. The junta was contemplating extreme measures, including

the possibility of enacting a genocide to suppress the Bengali demand for

autonomy and equal representation.

This chilling plan was reminiscent of Hitler's "final solution," aiming to

obliterate the Bengali race, its identity and aspirations for the last time.


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Tensions escalated in the months following the election, as the military

junta and the political leadership remained deadlocked over the power

transfer. The Awami League's demands for greater autonomy and the

military's resistance to change created a volatile political environment.

The failure to peacefully resolve the political impasse led to a brutal

crackdown by the Pakistani military on the Bengali population in March

1971, marking the beginning of the Bangladesh Liberation War. The

military's actions during this period, including widespread atrocities —a

brutal genocide, human rights abuses, and rapes —were driven by a

desire to suppress Bengali nationalism and maintain control over East

Pakistan at all costs.

The 1970 general election and its aftermath were pivotal in shaping the

course of Bangladesh's struggle for independence. The rise of neo-

nationalism and the overwhelming support for the Awami League reflected

the Bengali population's desire for self-determination and equal rights.

However, the military junta's reluctance to recognise the Awami League's

mandate and its extreme measures to suppress Bengali nationalism

ultimately led to a devastating conflict and the birth of Bangladesh as an

independent nation.

Bengali E.P.R. J.C.O.s (Bengali Company Commanders) have been

subjected to multilayered discrimination and marginalisation since 1958

when the E.P.R. was raised. The life of the Company Commander and the

other ranks were abjectly unbearable.

It was full of discrimination. The E.P.R. was supposed to be organised as

a subsidiary of the Police. Many literate constables, including 30-35 Police

subs and assistant sub-inspectors, were allowed to join E.P.R. Many

people were assured that their responsibilities would be like police work

and that there would be good opportunities for Police to join E.P.R. On

October 27 1958, Ayub Khan seized power. Before that, the then

government of Pakistan issued martial law to Iskander Mirza,a

descendant of Mir Jafar, of the 1757 Battle of Plassey in Bengal, from

October 7. From that time, gradually, the Pakistan Army started turning

their attention towards E.P.R. First, they began to send uneducated

Subedars / Subedar Majors of the British Indian Army during World War II

to E.P.R. Most of them successively occupied the posts of Subedar

Majors of 13 wings and all sectors of E.P.R.



Imran Chowdhury BEM is a respected strategic thinker, renowned for his insightful analysis of geopolitical issues, history, and diaspora affairs. As an author of numerous books and over a thousand newspaper articles, he brings a seasoned perspective to global politics, focusing on social cohesion and the dynamics of South Asian geopolitics. His writings explore the intersections of history, sovereignty, and the Bangladeshi diaspora's role within broader socio-political landscapes. Imran's deep understanding of cultural identity and global alliances has positioned him as a leading voice in promoting cultural preservation, community empowerment, and nuanced discourse on international relations.

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